The scope of nominal quantifiers in comparative clauses

More on Quantifiers in Comparative Clauses

Goal: To give an explanation of the ban on downward entailing quantifiers (DE-Qs) in comparative clauses (c-clauses, cf. (1)) that is compatible with the solutions to the problem of quantifier 'scope' in c-clauses (cf. [I assume degree predicates are monotonic] (1)*Ann is taller than no/not all/few boys are. (2) Apparent generalization: B is F-er than Q is is true iff Q(λx. B is F-er than x is)...

a cross-comparative dtudy between two textbook series in terms of the presentation of politeness

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Nominal Scope in Situation Semantics

This paper s introduces a semantical storage approach for representing nominal quantification in situation semantics. Quantificational determiners are treated as denoting binary relations, and their domains and ranges are defined. The linguistic meaning of an expression is given as a pair of its quantificational storage and basis. The storage contains the meanings of quantified NPs occurring in...

comparative analysis of the use of hedges & emphatics in english and persian academic research articles of sociology & psychology

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Relative clauses and nominal modifiers in Cantonese